Of Empire
by
Francis Bacon
(Essay)
It is a miserable state of mind to have few things to desire, and many things to fear; and yet that commonly is the case of kings, who being at the highest, want matter of desire, which makes their minds more languishing; and have many representations of perils and shadows, which makes their minds the less clear: and this is one reason also of that effect which the Scripture speaketh of, "That the king's heart is inscrutable:" for multitude of jealousies, and lack of some predominant desire, that should marshal and put in order all the rest, maketh any man's heart hard to find or sound. Hence it comes likewise, that princes many times make themselves desires, and set their hearts upon toys; sometimes upon a building; sometimes upon erecting of an order; sometimes upon the advancing of a person; sometimes upon obtaining excellence in some art, or feat of the hand; as Nero for playing on the harp; Domitian for certainty of the hand with the arrow; Commodus for playing at fence; Caracalla for driving chariots, and the like. This seemeth incredible unto those that know not the principle, that the mind of man is more cheered and refreshed by profiting in small things than by standing at a stay in great. We see also that kings that have been fortunate conquerors in their first years, it being not possible for them to go forward infinitely, but that they must have some check or arrest in their fortunes, turn in their latter years to be superstitious and melancholy; as did Alexander the Great, Dioclesian, and in our memory Charles the Fifth, and others: for he that is used to go forward, and findeth a stop, falleth out of his own favour, and is not the thing he was.
To speak now of the true temper of empire, it is a thing rare and hard to keep; for both temper and distemper consists of contraries: but it is one thing to mingle contraries, another to interchange them. The answer of Apollonius to Vespasian is full of excellent instruction. Vespasian asked him, what was Nero's overthrow? he answered, Nero could touch and tune the harp well, but in government sometimes he used to wind the pins too high, sometimes to let them down too low; and certain it is, that nothing destroyeth authority so much as the unequal and untimely interchange of power pressed too far, and relaxed too much.
This
is true, that the wisdom of all these latter times in princes affairs, is
rather fine deliveries, and shiftings of dangers and mischiefs, when they are
near, than solid and grounded courses to keep them aloof: but this is but to
try masteries with fortune; and let men beware how they neglect and suffer
matter of trouble to be prepared; for no man can forbid the spark, nor tell
whence it may come. The difficulties in princes business are many and great;
but the greatest difficulty is often in their own mind; for it is common with
princes (saith Tacitus) to will contradictories; "Sunt plerumque regum
voluntates vehementes, et inter se contrariæ;" for it is the solecism of
power to think to command the end, and yet not to endure the mean.
Kings
have to deal with their neighbours, their wives, their children, their prelates
or clergy, their nobles, their second nobles or gentlemen, their merchants,
their commons, and their men of war; and from all these arise dangers, if care
and circumspection be not used.
First,
for their neighbours, there can no general rule be given, (the occasions are so
variable,) save one which ever holdeth; which is, that princes do keep due
sentinel, that none of their neighbours do overgrow so (by increase of
territory, by embracing of trade, by approaches, or the like) as they become
more able to annoy them than they were; and this is generally the work of
standing counsels to foresee and to hinder it. During that triumvirate of
kings, King Henry the Eighth of England, Francis the First, king of France, and
Charles the Fifth emperor, there was such a watch kept that none of the three
could win a palm of ground, but the other two would straightways balance it,
either by confederation, or, if need were, by a war; and would not in any wise
take up peace at interest: and the like was done by that league (which
Guicciardini saith was the security of Italy) made between Ferdinando, king of
Naples, Lorenzius Medicis, and Ludovicus Sforsa, potentates, the one of
Florence, the other of Milan. Neither is the opinion of some of the schoolmen
to be received, that a war cannot justly be made, but upon a precedent injury
or provocation; for there is no question, but a just fear of an imminent danger
though there be no blow given, is a lawful cause of a war.
For
their wives, there are cruel examples of them. Livia is infamed for the
poisoning of her husband; Roxalana, Solyman's wife, was the destruction of that
renowned prince, Sultan Mustapha, and otherwise troubled his house and
succession; Edward the Second of England's queen had the principal hand in the
deposing and murder of her husband. This kind of danger is then to be feared
chiefly when the wives have plots for the raising of their own children, or
else that they be advoutresses.
For
their children, the tragedies likewise of dangers from them have been many; and
generally the entering of fathers into suspicion of their children hath been
ever unfortunate. The destruction of Mustapha (that we named before) was so
fatal to Solyman's line, as the succession of the Turks from Solyman until this
day is suspected to be untrue, and of strange blood; for that Selymus the
Second was thought to be suppositious. The destruction of Crispus, a young
prince of rare towardness, by Constantinus the Great, his father, was in like
manner fatal to his house, for both Constantinus and Constance, his son, died
violent deaths; and Constantius, his other son, did little better, who died
indeed of sickness, but after that Julianus had taken arms against him. The
destruction of Demetrius, son to Philip the Second of Macedon, turned upon the
father, who died of repentance: and many like examples there are, but few or
none where the fathers had good by such distrust, except it were where the sons
were up in open arms against them; as was Selymus the First against Bajazet,
and the three sons of Henry the Second king of England.
For
their prelates, when they are proud and great, there is also danger from them;
as it was in the times of Anselmus and Thomas Becket, archbishops of
Canterbury, who with their crosiers did almost try it with the king's sword;
and yet they had to deal with stout and haughty kings, William Rufus, Henry the
First, and Henry the Second. The danger is not from that state, but where it
hath a dependance of foreign authority; or where the churchmen come in and are
elected, not by the collation of the king, or particular patrons, but by the
people.
For
their nobles to keep them at a distance it is not amiss; but to depress them
may make a king more absolute, but less safe, and less able to perform any
thing that he desires. I have noted it in my History of King Henry the Seventh
of England, who depressed his nobility, whereupon it came to pass that his
times were full of difficulties and troubles; for the nobility, though they
continued loyal unto him, yet did they not co-operate with him in his business;
so that in effect he was fain to do all things himself.
For
their second nobles, there is not much danger from them, being a body
dispersed: they may sometimes discourse high, but that doth little hurt;
besides, they are a counterpoise to the higher nobility, that they grow not too
potent; and, lastly, being the most immediate in authority with the common
people, they do best temper popular commotions.
For
their merchants, they are "vena porta;" and if they flourish not, a
kingdom may have good limbs, but will have empty veins, and nourish little.
Taxes and imposts upon them do seldom good to the king's revenue, for that
which lie wins in the hundred, he loseth in the shire; the particular rates
being increased, but the total bulk of trading rather decreased.
For
their commons, there is little danger from them, except it be where they have
great and potent heads; or where you meddle with the point of religion, or
their customs, or means of life.
For
their men of war, it is a dangerous state where they live and remain in a body,
and are used to donatives, whereof we see examples in janizaries and pretorian
bands of Rome; but trainings of men, and arming them in several places, and
under several commanders, and without donatives, are things of defence and no
danger.
Princes
are like to heavenly bodies, which cause good or evil times; and which have
much veneration, but no rest. All precepts concerning kings are in effect
comprehended in those two remembrances, "memento quod es homo," and
"memento quod es Deus, or vice Dei;" the one bridleth their power,
and the other their will.
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